Search results for 'fame of a dead man's deeds'

Originally published in 1927 in W. Paul Cook's The Recluse, a small-circulation amateur magazine, Lovecraft's essay remains unparallelled as a survey of horror literature in the West, spanning the period from antiquity until the 1930s, and covering both the Anglo-American world and Continental Europe. Particularly interesting about horror literature is that its emergence as a genre coincided with the establishment and institutionalisation of liberalism, the latter of which represents a diametrically opposed worldview. This would suggest that horror literature, even if inadvertently or subconsciously, represents an attempt at escaping the limitations of the secular, materialist, rationalist liberal Weltanschauung, as well as a desire for meaning in a world rendered meaningless through 'liberation' from hierarchies, folk traditions, the occult, and the supernatural. Also interesting is the fact that the aesthetics of Gothic horror are invariably and luxuriantly beautiful (if in a dark way), whereas the logical extreme of rationality (utilitarianism, standardisation) is inherently anti-aesthetic. Would this not indicate, then, that the Age of Reason marked the beginning of a process that concluded in late modernity with the wholesale destruction of beauty, except where it, or the counterfeiting of it, was dictated by economic necessity? If so, we may view Lovecraft's essay not merely as a resource for those seeking entertainment within a genre of literature, but also for those seeking to escape, and begin to transcend, liberal modernity. It is perhaps no coincidence that Lovecraft's innate sensibility was elitist and aristocratic; or that he in many ways revolted against the modern world (even though he was scientifically minded); or that he was maddened by the cosmopolitan city (in 1925!), repeatedly referring to the need for roots and tradition; or that he rejected humanism and humanist conceits in both his thought and fiction. This fully annotated edition aims at a recuperation, revision, and restatement of the importance of one of the most intriguing areas of the Western literary tradition; and comes complete with a foreword and cover artwork by Alex Kurtagic, a bibliography of the works mentioned by Lovecraft, a full index, and an attractive design with a Gothic-Romantic flavour.

The thesis of this book is a terrifying one: our present global civilisation will collapse within twenty years, and it is too late to stop it. We shall regress to a 'New Middle Ages' akin to the fall of the Roman Empire, only much more destructive. For the first time in the whole of human history, certain 'dramatic lines', giant crises and catastrophes of immense proportions - already tangible - have emerged. They are converging and will most likely reach their zenith by 2020. Up to that time, as we have already been witnessing, their effects will continue to get worse, until a breaking point is reached. Guillaume Faye rigorously examines these escalating crises one by one: environmental damage and climate change; the breakdown of a speculative and debt-ridden globalist economy; the return of global epidemics; the depletion of fossil fuels and of agricultural and fishing resources; the rise of mass immigration, terrorism and nuclear proliferation; the worsening of the rupture between Islam and the West; and the dramatic explosion of a population of the elderly in the wealthy countries - all of it leading to an unprecedented worldwide economic recession, an increase in localised and possibly large-scale armed conflicts...and perhaps worse. Still, Faye reminds us, we should not give in to pessimism: what we are experiencing is not an apocalypse, but a metamorphosis of humanity. We might have reached the end of what the Hindu traditions refer to as the Kali Yuga, the 'age of iron' marked by materialism and selfishness, but those who survive the catastrophe and chaos will perhaps build a new and better humanity...

Written in 1923, when Germany was in the throes of revolutionary demands from both the Left and the Right, Moeller van den Bruck envisioned a Germany that was radical, traditional and nationalistic. Angered by the harsh conditions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles which ended the First World War, and frustrated by the types of reforms being called for in the Weimar Republic, he examines all of the major political doctrines of his day and finds them wanting. Instead, he calls for a return to empire – not the empire of the Kaiser or the Holy Roman Empire, but an empire of all German-speaking peoples, with a social hierarchy based upon strong communal values and German traditions which nurture, rather than belittle, strong individuals. Although van den Bruck was not a supporter of the National Socialists, they ended up adopting his term Das dritte Reich for the state they intended to build.

With an original Foreword and Bibliography compiled by French “New Right” founder Alain de Benoist, who explains the book’s continuing relevance, this edition makes one of the most important works of Germany’s Conservative Revolution available again for the English-speaking world. This edition is a revised version of the condensed edition first published in 1934.

"Liberalism is the party of upstarts who have insinuated themselves between the people and its big men. Liberals feel themselves as isolated individuals, responsible to nobody. They do not share the nation’s traditions, they are indifferent to its past and have no ambition for its future. They seek only their own personal advantage in the present. Their dream is the great International, in which the differences of peoples and languages, races and cultures will be obliterated." -- p. 82

This manifesto remains the only attempt to date by GRECE, the primary New Right organization in France, to summarize its principles and key concepts. It was written in 1999 by Alain de Benoist, GRECE's founder, and Charles Champetier on the occasion of GRECE's thirtieth anniversary. It offers a strong argument in favor of the right to difference among cultures and civilizations, and the right of peoples to defend themselves from cultural homogenization. It also offers a vision of a regenerated Europe which will find its strength in a return to its authentic values and traditions, in opposition to the new imperialism of multiculturalism and the global marketplace.

All the political systems of the modern age have been the products of three distinct ideologies: the first, and oldest, is liberal democracy; the second is Marxism; and the third is fascism. The latter two have long since failed and passed out of the pages of history, and the first no longer operates as an ideology, but rather as something taken for granted. The world today finds itself on the brink of a post-political reality - one in which the values of liberalism are so deeply embedded that the average person is not aware that there is an ideology at work around him. As a result, liberalism is threatening to monopolise political discourse and drown the world in a universal sameness, destroying everything that makes the various cultures and peoples unique. According to Alexander Dugin, what is needed to break through this morass is a fourth ideology - one that will sift through the debris of the first three to look for elements that might be useful, but that remains innovative and unique in itself. Dugin does not offer a point-by-point program for this new theory, but rather outlines the parameters within which it might develop and the issues which it must address. Dugin foresees that the Fourth Political Theory will use the tools and concepts of modernity against itself, to bring about a return of cultural diversity against commercialisation, as well as the traditional worldview of all the peoples of the world - albeit within an entirely new context. Written by a scholar who is actively influencing the direction of Russian geopolitical strategy today, The Fourth Political Theory is an introduction to an idea that may well shape the course of the world's political future.

There is no escape from propaganda. Propagandists shape the informational sociology of our time. The Ten Commandments of Propaganda serves two purposes: offense and defense. It dispels mistaken, trivializing ideas about what propaganda is, and it is also a comprehensive guide to using and understanding propaganda effectively. The term propaganda holds a negative connotation in many people's minds due to its historical associations with totalitarianism and ideological crusades, but in fact the same methods and techniques of propaganda are employed by all types of political systems, social movements, and commercial or non-profit enterprises. In essence, propaganda is the scientific art of interpreting someone else's reality for them in order to benefit the propagandist. Propaganda is junk food for the mind. Like purveyors of junk food, propagandists thrive upon your lack of time and energy, and your need for instant gratification. They are more than willing to do your thinking for you. In equal parts theoretical discourse and practical guidebook, whether the reader desires to be an informed user, consumer or critic of propaganda, this work provides much-needed lessons about one of the most subtle, but vital, forces of our information-saturated age. The Ten Commandments, although easy to understand, have profound ramifications.

Fighting for the Essence is a devastating critique of multiculturalism. In this book, Dr. Krebs shows that although multiculturalism claims to be the watchman of racial and cultural diversity, it is actually destructive to both, as it denies the significance of racial differences altogether. He traces its origins to the legacy of the Judaeo-Christian tradition, and shows how this has developed into many of the most powerful tools of liberalism of our times, which in turn are serving the interests of the global marketplace by turning all of humanity into compliant consumers. Those who endorse multiculturalism are, in fact, the enemies of all traditional culture.

Dr. Krebs also takes issue with the use of the term ‘West’ to describe our culture, which he sees as an effort to deprive the various European cultures which comprise it of their unique characters and histories and replace them with a grey conformity divorced from any authentic roots, as well as a value system that is frequently used as a weapon against those nations which refuse to share its values. This assault is not limited to Europe, but is something that is going on in every corner of the globe. Dr. Krebs says that it is time for all those who believe in the worthiness of their heritage and unique ethnic identity to return to the wellsprings of their peoples, and defend what is rightfully theirs. With a deeper trench between the camps of multiculturalism and traditional culture being dug all the time, this is the conflict that will define the 21st century.

Drawing examples from many of the most notable contributors to science, philosophy and religion, Dr. Krebs illustrates a truth that is difficult to deny. Anyone who heeds his warning will find it impossible not to accept his challenge to take sides in the ongoing struggle against universal conformity.